policy
paralyzed by fear The left, in times of crisis, only knows technocratic administration. Lost to the detriment of the right, the ability to use the emotions and anger, a key element to mobilize the city
GERMÁN CANO
paralyzed by fear The left, in times of crisis, only knows technocratic administration. Lost to the detriment of the right, the ability to use the emotions and anger, a key element to mobilize the city
GERMÁN CANO
There is a crisis of indignation? On the occasion of the publication of the short essay Indignaos!, The former member of the French Resistance, Stéphane Hessel, a real best seller in the country, some national media have reflected on the alleged weakness of English society. However, regardless of the comparison, the question points to a more pressing problem: the left has lost at the expense of the right, his ability to mobilize the strength of the outrage, that necessary element of civic engagement?
Already in Weimar left handed to right field of popular anger
crises were ultimately used to impose on people
privatization and neoliberal policies In view of this issue, certain events such as the resurgence of the far right across Europe, the mobilization of the Tea Party in the U.S. or high electoral expectations created by Marine Le Pen in the French cantonal elections reveal a disturbing phenomenon: it seems as if at times of crisis, only the right to have the capacity to channel political affection, while the left only knew administer. Why
increasingly rebellions and riots occur devoid of any ideological message and based on a vague resentment? Possibly, because today, in our post-ideological framework and postpolitical, indignation fails to invest their reflex movements within a comprehensible narrative. Lacking a cognitive mapping, anger explodes into a meaningless political act, so blind that threatens at times even against their own perpetrator.
is here, except for certain distances, it is pertinent to look back to that singular crisis lab was the Weimar Republic. In this scenario, in which Hitler was able to take advantage looking for scapegoats, right now draws its opportunistic populism lessons. One is not afraid to fall in gross inconsistencies as long play on the boards. Not in vain Jean-Marie Le Pen was defined as a politician who was "socially left, economically on the right and, always, with France in the middle of his thoughts."
First, it is noted that the economic problems of the Weimar Republic was estimated at the preponderant influence of speculative finance capital over the productive sphere. When the bubble of Weimar, artificially maintained through Wall Street, exploded after the collapse of the American Stock Exchange in 1929, the effects were soon seen. The cut in public spending and the elimination of funding for the unemployment benefit system, one of the achievements of the second phase of the Republic generated a climate of radical disaffection toward the political class and cynicism disappointed about not take long to ignite demagogic populism.
In particular, an interesting question for us was to know what plan of action could provide the left to counter the growing unrest of the precarious middle classes. Here the danger is to fall to a strategy class dogmatic unable to build bridges between the "different worlds." The good approach going to design a program is not aimed at accelerating the crisis, "the worse the better" - or indeed, to propose solutions nationalist radical surgery. In his essay
employees, Siegfried Kracauer and showed how the proletarianization of the middle classes did not lead them to any critical awareness of the general map, but the National Socialist movement. Walter Benjamin, meanwhile, investigated how individuals shaken by the social upheavals were forced to lower mass anesthetized aesthetics vigorexia entertainment or sports to keep certain orthopedic narcissistic. Under the shock, the sensory powers were no longer in touch with reality and passed to a means of defense. Compare the scenery of the Triumph of the Will, Leni Riefenstahl, which hides any vulnerabilities, looking for Chaplin to battered little body on the assembly line to see how this atrophy of the experience led to opposite policy conclusions.
in full crisis, Benjamin used the term "left-wing melancholy" to describe this state of paralysis. If this state of collapse of values, experienced anger after the "hoax" political demagoguery better channeled right was, among other reasons, by the inability of a left, clutching economistic approaches, gave the enemy a pedagogy of the expressive field. Refraining from fighting in the area in which politically could still develop anger and resentment avoid explosion, this neglect enlightens us to understand what happens today when a technocratic rationality gives limited to administrative functions of the political space and the reactionary outrage. Where
Benjamin and Kracauer, hit by the shock of Weimar and its regressive and anesthetic effects, psychosocial mapped extent of this loss of experience, Naomi Klein has tried in recent years to investigate the relationship between neoliberal capitalism and natural disasters or political. One should not underestimate this comparison between seasons: sensory deprivation and historical world of our experience not infrequently ends in a state of disorientation in which the individual is tempted to seek a master who can voluntarily give up their freedom.
In this regard, Klein has shown how the new market logic designed by the Chicago boys fits like a glove in shock. In this privileged background, the crisis served to require companies still mired in a state of shock further privatization and neoliberal policies. The imposition of this dynamic, allergic Keynesian interventionism is provided when paving the way to it is some kind of cataclysm. Also, the "poisoning" the environment of solidarity, as suspected with the crisis, and the artificial creation of an atmosphere fear force people to make tabula rasa and shield against the social context.
"The only thing we have to fear is fear itself." After the 1929 crisis, in its inaugural speech of 1933, U.S. President FD Roosevelt uttered these famous words. Today, you can not fail to resonate their message at a time in which the left seems paralyzed by fear, including fear of fear its people. The bitter lesson of the Weimar Republic to the social tradition of the Left was sure nothing could get the "the worse the better." Even the disciples of Milton Friedman agree. As the teacher said: "Only a crisis-actual or perceived, resulting in real change. I think that has to be our basic function: to develop alternatives to existing policies to keep them alive and active until the politically impossible becomes politically inevitable. "
using the famous story by Edgar Allan Poe, A Descent to Maelström, the sociologist Norbert Elias describes the tsunami caused by critical moments as a singular cycle. This "double bind" develops between distress and emotionally charged subject of obscure cartographic knowledge of the event. This oscillation between panic and cancellation of will to know is what prevents react appropriately to disorientation. According to the story of three brothers who are in the center of the Maelstrom, the smallest is only able to overcome the shock that gripped him and made a general map of the earthquake. Only he is able to overcome the commitment precipitated by the disaster.
Only those who have the ability to not let go can devise strategies to exit the stagnation. In this regard, the appellant would be qualified mantra that the current English right has no program, it does not need maps: one relies on the shock. Germain
Cano philosopher and translator.
Already in Weimar left handed to right field of popular anger
crises were ultimately used to impose on people
privatization and neoliberal policies In view of this issue, certain events such as the resurgence of the far right across Europe, the mobilization of the Tea Party in the U.S. or high electoral expectations created by Marine Le Pen in the French cantonal elections reveal a disturbing phenomenon: it seems as if at times of crisis, only the right to have the capacity to channel political affection, while the left only knew administer. Why
increasingly rebellions and riots occur devoid of any ideological message and based on a vague resentment? Possibly, because today, in our post-ideological framework and postpolitical, indignation fails to invest their reflex movements within a comprehensible narrative. Lacking a cognitive mapping, anger explodes into a meaningless political act, so blind that threatens at times even against their own perpetrator.
is here, except for certain distances, it is pertinent to look back to that singular crisis lab was the Weimar Republic. In this scenario, in which Hitler was able to take advantage looking for scapegoats, right now draws its opportunistic populism lessons. One is not afraid to fall in gross inconsistencies as long play on the boards. Not in vain Jean-Marie Le Pen was defined as a politician who was "socially left, economically on the right and, always, with France in the middle of his thoughts."
First, it is noted that the economic problems of the Weimar Republic was estimated at the preponderant influence of speculative finance capital over the productive sphere. When the bubble of Weimar, artificially maintained through Wall Street, exploded after the collapse of the American Stock Exchange in 1929, the effects were soon seen. The cut in public spending and the elimination of funding for the unemployment benefit system, one of the achievements of the second phase of the Republic generated a climate of radical disaffection toward the political class and cynicism disappointed about not take long to ignite demagogic populism.
In particular, an interesting question for us was to know what plan of action could provide the left to counter the growing unrest of the precarious middle classes. Here the danger is to fall to a strategy class dogmatic unable to build bridges between the "different worlds." The good approach going to design a program is not aimed at accelerating the crisis, "the worse the better" - or indeed, to propose solutions nationalist radical surgery. In his essay
employees, Siegfried Kracauer and showed how the proletarianization of the middle classes did not lead them to any critical awareness of the general map, but the National Socialist movement. Walter Benjamin, meanwhile, investigated how individuals shaken by the social upheavals were forced to lower mass anesthetized aesthetics vigorexia entertainment or sports to keep certain orthopedic narcissistic. Under the shock, the sensory powers were no longer in touch with reality and passed to a means of defense. Compare the scenery of the Triumph of the Will, Leni Riefenstahl, which hides any vulnerabilities, looking for Chaplin to battered little body on the assembly line to see how this atrophy of the experience led to opposite policy conclusions.
in full crisis, Benjamin used the term "left-wing melancholy" to describe this state of paralysis. If this state of collapse of values, experienced anger after the "hoax" political demagoguery better channeled right was, among other reasons, by the inability of a left, clutching economistic approaches, gave the enemy a pedagogy of the expressive field. Refraining from fighting in the area in which politically could still develop anger and resentment avoid explosion, this neglect enlightens us to understand what happens today when a technocratic rationality gives limited to administrative functions of the political space and the reactionary outrage. Where
Benjamin and Kracauer, hit by the shock of Weimar and its regressive and anesthetic effects, psychosocial mapped extent of this loss of experience, Naomi Klein has tried in recent years to investigate the relationship between neoliberal capitalism and natural disasters or political. One should not underestimate this comparison between seasons: sensory deprivation and historical world of our experience not infrequently ends in a state of disorientation in which the individual is tempted to seek a master who can voluntarily give up their freedom.
In this regard, Klein has shown how the new market logic designed by the Chicago boys fits like a glove in shock. In this privileged background, the crisis served to require companies still mired in a state of shock further privatization and neoliberal policies. The imposition of this dynamic, allergic Keynesian interventionism is provided when paving the way to it is some kind of cataclysm. Also, the "poisoning" the environment of solidarity, as suspected with the crisis, and the artificial creation of an atmosphere fear force people to make tabula rasa and shield against the social context.
"The only thing we have to fear is fear itself." After the 1929 crisis, in its inaugural speech of 1933, U.S. President FD Roosevelt uttered these famous words. Today, you can not fail to resonate their message at a time in which the left seems paralyzed by fear, including fear of fear its people. The bitter lesson of the Weimar Republic to the social tradition of the Left was sure nothing could get the "the worse the better." Even the disciples of Milton Friedman agree. As the teacher said: "Only a crisis-actual or perceived, resulting in real change. I think that has to be our basic function: to develop alternatives to existing policies to keep them alive and active until the politically impossible becomes politically inevitable. "
using the famous story by Edgar Allan Poe, A Descent to Maelström, the sociologist Norbert Elias describes the tsunami caused by critical moments as a singular cycle. This "double bind" develops between distress and emotionally charged subject of obscure cartographic knowledge of the event. This oscillation between panic and cancellation of will to know is what prevents react appropriately to disorientation. According to the story of three brothers who are in the center of the Maelstrom, the smallest is only able to overcome the shock that gripped him and made a general map of the earthquake. Only he is able to overcome the commitment precipitated by the disaster.
Only those who have the ability to not let go can devise strategies to exit the stagnation. In this regard, the appellant would be qualified mantra that the current English right has no program, it does not need maps: one relies on the shock. Germain
Cano philosopher and translator.
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