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The concentration of ownership is at loggerheads with socialism.

Cuba, the biology
communism The Sixth Congress of the Party, Raúl Castro raised its economic reform. But little can be done if the same leaders remain in office and there is no generational renewal in the dome
RAFAEL ROJAS

did well the government of Raul Castro in framing the Sixth Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba in the fiftieth anniversary of Playa Girón. It was in January 1959 until April 1961 when the construction of Cuban totalitarianism had at hand all necessary items.

In the 45 citizen initiatives are excluded from the ideas of reformism and the opposition
The meeting confirms that the Cuban model is closer to the Soviet-Chinese or Vietnamese

addition of an institutional one-party state economy and Marxist-Leninist ideology, inscribed in the Soviet orbit, it was essential the location of an enemy. An enemy to be national and foreign at the same time, a monster that could melt the evil empire and the vileness of the traitors.
Since then, the ultimate justification of Cuban communism has been defensive: the country is in danger, so that political unity is imperative. Nothing more united, indeed, that a single party state control of society and the economy and a leader for life. Half a century after that proclamation of the character "socialist" revolution, the Sixth Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba began with a military parade, to the way Soviet or North Korean, and a top leader of the convalescent message in which he said felt " pain "to ensure that young people parading it sought, unsuccessfully, on the podium. The long-delayed
Congress of the Cuban Communists, had held in 2002 - was a mere formality. What is important from the practical point of view, took place in discussions on local and regional bases in the development of the Guidelines economic policy that have been approved with minor modifications.
What matters is what is excluded by Congress itself: the 45 proposals that, according to Raul Castro, were rejected because they involved the "concentration of ownership," which is "in contradiction with the essence of socialism." Sentence, at least, badly drafted, because if in any country in the world, ownership is concentrated is in Cuba, only that there is in state hands.
fifty is in that citizen initiatives should be excluded where to find the ideas of reformism and the Cuban opposition. Ideas do not even passed the office of the top island and therefore were not debated in Congress, although they do not propose a neoliberal privatization but, just, an opening of small and medium private companies, most likely to hire workers and boost the domestic market to the 178 arrangements self-employment.
With the exclusion of these ideas, the elite Cuban confirmed that their horizon of expectations is maintained, yet closer to the Soviet model of Chinese or Vietnamese.
Although the convening of this Congress imposed a ban ideological and political issues in the main report, also approved and would have legal implications of the utmost importance Raul Castro gave priority to the problem of succession. His proposal that the time spent in public office fit-and five-year periods not exceeding two consecutive ", the statement that the top leadership lacks support and the suggestion that access to official state or government does not activism is essential in the game, the first advance institutional changes, political, to be undertaken in Cuba since 1976.
The leaders stay in office and lack of generational renewal in the dome, are interrelated, although Raul Castro presented them isolated. The rationale for the retention of Fidel and himself during more than half a century, the country's top leadership was needed by the aggression of the enemy "now seems not to be given the" new conditions "- clashes with the official message that the hostility of the rule remains intact. These "new conditions" do not have to do, therefore, under the presidency of Barack Obama or the shift to the left in Latin America, but with something more concrete: old age and illness of Fidel Castro.
However, in addressing the problem of "not having a properly prepared substitute reserve, Raul Castro acknowledged an" accelerated frame promotion inexperienced and immature to blow simulation and opportunism ", which reiterated the infamous trial Fidel Castro on "honey of power" after the dismissal of Carlos Lage and Felipe Perez Roque.
The problem of lack of relief, therefore, not theirs, is of low moral caliber of their heirs, of the terrible imperialist aggression that gave them time to think about succession or wrong-set interference the very constitution of 1976, renovated in 1992! - the Communist Party in public administration.
As expected, the resignation of Fidel Castro to be reelected to the Central Committee facilitated the election of Raul Castro as First Secretary for the next five years, during which aims to "solve" the problem of "replacement" generational.
El nombramiento de José Ramón Machado Ventura, número dos del Estado y el Gobierno, como segundo secretario, reprodujo la misma jerarquía de la Administración en el partido, fundiendo, una vez más, ambas ramas del poder, en contra de las mismas modificaciones propuestas en el Informe Central. Con esa concentración de la autoridad, la generación histórica se coloca fuera de los propios cambios políticos que podría generar el régimen, como si poseyera derechos patrimoniales sobre la nación cubana, solo equivalentes a los del estalinismo.
La propia idea de que los máximos cargos públicos de un país sean pensados en términos de "relevo" o "sucesión", y que la movement of such data is timed according to the time of active life remaining historical leaders, refers to the biological structure of Cuban communism.
In politics as in economics, socialism does not transit dues, even, via Vietnam or China, since in the latter, the Communist Party cut the umbilical cord that tied him to the historic leaders and institutionalized on the basis meritocratic. Fidel, Raul and Machado Ventura, regardless of what the evolution of his regime over the next five or 10 years, have proven more faithful to Stalin to Mao.
The aspiration that the Communist Party inherit the leadership of Fidel Castro is not only contrary to the low level of institutionalization of that body but to the claim that it gradually limit their public duties.
dilemmas and political solutions rather than on the economic, which have a moderate positive effect on the population posed by Raul Castro, and are inconsistent, with the difficulty of locating a world away from democratic environment that surrounds the island and that, increasingly, depend for their livelihood. Under these schemes, the young Cuban politicians who aspire to "relieve" Fidel and Raul to continue basing its legitimacy in a historical mysticism, oblivious to the global policy XXI century.
the end, the primacy of continuity over change, conservation status historic founding of the elite on the free movement of national alternative and autonomous leaders of civil society, could make the solutions of Raul Castro in factories new problems.
The further behind the change of legitimacy of political leadership, openness of the public sphere and the recognition of a legal challenge, the harder it will be bequeathed to heirs any claim and find it harder to honest socialists themselves, defend a future option to the citizens and the world.
Rafael Rojas is Cuban historian.